Friday, 7 May 2010

Election Results


Posted by Dr Andrew Connell

Well, I suppose one of the joys of electoral punditry is being proved comprehensively wrong. The other day I was confidently saying that, yes, of course if there was going to be a coalition it was likely to be Labour/ Lib Dem, the Lib Dems were closer to labour than to the Conservatives even after any Cameronite repositioning, they’d worked together in Scotland and Wales, and so on....Now (midday on Friday) Nick Clegg has said that the party with the most seats and voters should have the first go at forming a government and that, of course, points us towards some kind of Tory/Lib Dem agreement. It seems that David Cameron will be saying something on the subject at 2.30 this afternoon, so by the time you read this I may have been overtaken by events yet again...ho hum.

Interesting though to think about why this should be. Presumably it’s to do with setting up support, if not for electoral reform itself, at least for getting reform seriously onto the agenda. Although the Conservatives have been by far the most sceptical of the three main parties about reform, as I write, David Cameron has apparently not ruled it out, saying that he would consider whatever was necessary to form a strong government. We might ask what exactly this means; but we might also wonder whether the Conservatives would have gone even this far without the carrot of Lib Dem Parliamentary support being dangled in front of them. Events keep unfolding.

Thursday, 6 May 2010

Final Poll Predictions


Posted by Prof Neil Carter

Although the final tranche of polls show little change from other recent polls, there is a slight firming up of support for the Conservatives. The majority of the polls are within 1 point of CON 36%, LAB 28%, LDEM 27%. What does this mean in terms of seats? On a uniform swing those percentages would translate into a seat distribution of Conservatives 297, Labour 245 and Lib Dems 76. But that probably won’t happen because there is good evidence that the Conservatives are outperforming the national swing in the Labour-Conservative marginal seats. Conservative gains in those seats will be tempered by a strong Liberal Democrat performance in Conservative-Liberal Democrat marginal seats. The other big uncertainty is how far the strong swing to the Liberal Democrats in the North will eat into the Labour vote in seats where the Liberal Democrats cannot win, thereby allowing the Conservatives to secure previous Labour strongholds.

Here are a few people who have nailed their colours to the mast:

Anthony Wells (UK Polling Report): CON 300-310, LAB 220-230, LD 80-90

TNS pollsters: CON 292, LAB 204, LD 114.

Peter Kellner (YouGov): CON 300-310, LAB 230-240, LDEM 75-85.

Angus Reid (pollsters) CON 320-340, LAB 165-185, LDEM 105-120.

And what are the bookies saying? As I write this piece at 10.35am, the Sporting Index spreads are: CON 315-320, LAB 216-221, LD 78-82.

Tuesday, 4 May 2010

Polls update


Posted by Prof Neil Carter

This campaign has seen more turbulence in the polls than at any previous election. Just two weeks ago, before the first prime ministerial debate, the Liberal Democrats were running a distant third. Then came Cleggmania and they jumped, briefly, into first place, turning the contest into a genuine three horse race. Clegg and his party’s policies have since been subjected to an unrelenting assault from the pro-Tory media, but although the Liberal Democrat share of the vote has slipped a little, it has settled down in recent days at a very respectable 27-29%, putting the party neck-and-neck with Labour (who don’t seem to have suffered in the polls from the ‘Bigotgate’ affair). Meanwhile the Conservatives have steadily recovered some of the support that was lost to the Liberal Democrats, although with most polls putting the Tories at around 34-36% they are still some way short of the 40% share they were securing at the start of the campaign. So what can we expect in the one poll that really matters?

The problem for the pollsters is that in a three horse race it is much harder to predict how the swings between parties will translate into seats, particularly as there is strong evidence that the swing to the Liberal Democrats is not uniform across the country or amongst age groups. For example, the Liberal Democrats seem to be doing better in the North (which will hurt Labour), and less well in London and the South-east (which helps the Conservatives). They are also attracting large numbers of young (under 35) voters, which raises serious questions about how ‘soft’ their support is. In short, many young voters are not registered, and even if they are it is also the case that young people are far less likely to bother to vote on the day.

Of course, it is the marginal seats that really matter. The most recent poll of marginal seats (by Crosby/Textor for the Daily Telegraph today) suggests a strong swing to the Conservatives of 7.5% in Labour-held marginals , which is enough for the Conservatives to win about 100 Labour seats. However, the poll reports a 3% swing away from the Conservatives to the Liberal Democrats in Liberal Democrat-Conservative marginals, indicating that the gains that the Conservatives make from Labour may be partly counter-balanced by a failure to win key Liberal Democrats seats such as York Outer. To summarise, the evidence from the marginal seats suggests that the Conservatives are doing better in these key battleground contests, but not by enough to win an overall majority in the House of Commons.

Overall, the polls are predicting that the Conservatives will secure something like 280-315 seats (remember, 326 seats are needed for an overall majority, and something like up 335 for a decent working majority), Labour 220-255 and the Liberal Democrats 80-90 seats – these broad bands reflect the uncertainties involved in translating votes cast into seats gained. However, as I write this blog on Tuesday afternoon the spread betting indexes put the Conservatives on 322-327, right on the cusp of an overall majority. This variation might be explained by the openness of these markets to being shaped by a handful of market-makers from the City, who are perhaps influenced a little by wishful thinking and by their lack of acquaintance with anyone who won’t be supporting the Conservatives. But these guys are also hard headed investors who are probably betting on the hunch that the polls have slowly started to head back in favour of the Conservatives and that the Conservative support is likely to be a lot firmer than the more volatile Liberal Democrat numbers.

Friday, 30 April 2010

Reflections on the Final Prime Ministerial Debate


Posted by Dr Simon Parker

The final prime ministerial debate took place in the impressive surroundings of Birmingham University’s Great Hall—although the carefully chosen local audience did not appear to contain any students or lecturing staff. Was this a portend of what the next government had in store for UK higher education I wondered?
Certainly the message from all three of the party leaders as they debated the economy was unless you work in a school, a hospital or a police station don’t assume you will have a public sector job in five years time. Further, if you are lucky enough to keep your job forget any thoughts that your salary may keep pace with inflation or that you will be able to retire when you expected to on the pension you were promised.

This was not going to be a cheery “things can only get better” debate but rather—“if you elect him or him things can only get worse”. On the “sick men of Europe” Cameron went straight for the Lib-Lab solar plexus —“Let me tell you one thing I wouldn't do: with Greece so much in the news, I can guarantee you that I would never join the euro, and I'd keep the pound as our currency”, carefully avoiding mention of the fact that Germany’s Euro-based economy was the only one with deep enough pockets to bail-out the Greeks while the Bank of England is nervously gripping the threadbare towel of its AAA rating.

Earlier in the week “the much respected” Institute for Fiscal Studies (it says here in the BBC’s editorial guidelines) announced that all three political parties were not telling voters how they intended to tackle the vast continent of debt they had not pledged to cut or offset through tax raises. As elephants in the living room go—this was a pretty large one—ranging from 75% of the ‘elephant, what elephant?’ component of the Liberal Democrat manifesto to just over 80% of Tory plans to nearer 90% in the case of Labour.

One of the serious flaws of the partitocratic prime ministerial debate format is that highly experienced interviewers—and they come no more experienced than David Dimbleby—cannot disrupt the conspiracy of silence/audience dumb show that these spectacles have become (although Dimbleby did attempt to ‘clarify’ a non answered question that he was clearly irked the leaders had managed to duck). Had the leaders faced a genuine interlocutor rather than each other’s mild rebukes, the elephant denying non-recognition pact might have been broken by the following aperçu from the IFS:

Labour & Liberal Democrat plans imply tightest sustained squeeze since April 1976 to March 1980 and spending cuts as deep as Conservative plans imply not delivered over any sustained period since Second World War.
Brown’s “shock, horror” warnings that the Tories will take £6 billion out of the economy this year was calculated to distract attention from the fact that Labour plans to take as much as £52.4 billion “out of the economy” in the next five years, the Lib Dems plan to cut £46.5 billion and the Tories an eye-watering £63.7 billion. Neither Clegg nor Brown took the opportunity to point out that Cameron plans to pay for every 4 out of 5 pounds worth of debt in spending cuts and only 1 in 5 through increased taxation. This will impact massively and disproportionately on the poor, people on benefits and those employed by the public sector and those who are reliant on public services. As the IFS pointed out, when Ken Clarke was Chancellor in 1993 the Tories pledged a cuts to tax raising ratio of 1:1, Labour’s will be 2:1 and the LibDems eventually 2.5:1.

In pointing out that the banks will benefit from a 3p (one assumes in the pound) cut in corporation tax and that millionaires will disproportionately benefit from increasing the threshold on inheritance tax, Brown attempted to paint a picture of the Cameronites as “the same old Tories”. The best Brown could come up with is “I think this is unfair”, while Nick Clegg offered to switch taxes from the rich to the less well off so that more money could go back into the pocket of the questioner—a woman called Adina who lamented the fact that in her view Brown’s government is taking more and more from the average worker's payslip.

Clegg suggested that the way that we might get out of this mess was to all grab a paddle and to stop rowing in opposite directions, and as in Bristol, the yellow worm headed for the top of the screen at Nick’s suggestion of a Council for Financial Stability. The public like consensus-style emoting and are unimpressed by negative personal attacks that both Cameron and Brown engaged in—especially on the subject of immigration—where mention of the Clegg ‘amnesty’ has become a ritual opportunity to engage in a bit of populist group mugging of “soft touch” Nick.

“I agree with David on this”, intoned Brown in full anti-anti-bigot mode, “because I can't see how you send out anything other than the worst possible message if you give an amnesty to people who've come here illegally”. Suddenly wanting to stop any more foreign people living here or to complain about the jobs, houses, and benefits that the ones who were here (no doubt illegally) were denying “good families” like Mrs Duffy from Rochdale was not “ridculous” or “bigoted” but common sense.
Not to be outdone, Cameron warned that if the Liberals had their way the 600,000 people who were living here illegally “would be entitled to bring a relative each into our country”, as the ghost of Stechford could be heard faintly whispering, “Two and a half million votes David, two and a half million votes…”. To be fair Cameron did not promise to pull up the drawbridge to Fortress Britain, but he was determined to drop it only once a year and pull it up really quickly if that nice retired diplomat from Migration Watch tells us Britain is full. Clegg, despite being beaten-up by his adversaries was not prepared to join them by “agreeing with Gillian”. In a rare moment of eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation, Clegg rounded on Cameron and insisted that the cap would not apply to the 80% of foreigners from the European Union, whom Mrs Duffy seemed to be most concerned about.

“Yes or no, do 80% of immigrants come from the European Union, which wouldn't be affected by your cap? Yes or no? Clegg demanded.
“It's affected by having transitional controls”, Cameron hit back, “I've answered your question. You should answer mine”. Er…well not quite, since transitional controls apply to candidate countries, not to ones already in the EU. Only UKIP and the BNP are offering withdrawal from the EU and even UKIP aren’t planning forcibly to repatriate the EU nationals who are already living here.

On the subject of jobs there was a general consensus that the loss of manufacturing was a major disaster for cities like Birmingham. Cameron stated that “in the last 13 years, we've lost 60,000 jobs in manufacturing”, and then said, “We've been losing manufacturing industry faster than the 1980s”, Perhaps he is too young to remember the first Thatcher government though he did admit—“It's been a complete tragedy.” We need to rebuild by, “…investing in our science base and making sure great universities like this are producing the scientists and entrepreneurs of the future”. Suddenly a ray of sunlight shone through the stained glass of the Great Hall, was this the knight in shining armour Britain’s universities had been praying for? Let’s check the manifesto shall we….here we are, it says the Conservatives will “Work to improve the way that universities are funded so that students get a fair deal, disadvantaged young people don’t miss out and researchers get the funding they need…” Marvellous! I now have the perfect line when my kids ask me for more pocket money—“I am working to improve the way your allowance is funded, but owing to the £67.5 billion cuts that we are going to have to make in the next five years you can’t have it just yet”.

All three leaders had rehearsed their lines well and disappointingly there were no more own goals. Just to be sure Dave, Nick and Gordon couldn’t rip their radio mikes off quick enough by the end of the show. According to various ‘instant polls’, Cameron had come across better than the other three but Clegg also clearly had another good night and managed to get several all important nods of approval during the occasional cut aways to the questioner. Brown on the other hand, came across as troubled and off his game, despite trying to win audience sympathy with the “as you saw yesterday, I don't get all of it right” quip. Even Mandelson in full 1,400 rpm spin mode in the post-debate interview looked tired and dispirited. Gordon Brown may know how to run an economy but he certainly doesn’t know how to run an election, whereas Cameron and an impressively slick Tory election machine clearly do. Lord Kinnock has smelt that kind of defeat before and has already admitted that the gig is up.

The great challenge for Nick Clegg and the Liberal Democrats is whether they can persuade sufficient numbers of Labour voters to dump Gordon in the marginals in order to stop the Tories gaining an overall majority. Despite all the fanfares and hoo-hah, it seems that the prime ministerial debates have taken us back to exactly where the election started—Labour are the underdogs and are expected to lose, the Lib Dems will improve their share of the vote but will struggle to improve their share of the seats, and the Conservatives remain the party to beat with the prospect of more than half the House of Commons seats turning blue on May 7th moving towards near evens odds. It’s going to be a fascinating election night!

Thursday, 29 April 2010

Coalition Making Dutch style


Posted by Dr Rob Aitken

The Conservative party political broadcast portrays a hung parliament as producing an endless round of self-serving politicians haggling over the spoils and failing to govern effectively. This is undoubtedly Tory scaremongering as they are afraid they will not achieve an overall majority that they took for granted. However, it also reflects a lack of experience in negotiating stable coalition governments in balanced parliaments, despite the recent experience in Scotland, Wales and local government. In contrast in the Netherlands, like most European countries, coalition governments and coalition formation are regular features of politics without it seeming to cause the sort of political meltdown that the Tory’s portray.

After a Dutch election – the next one is due in June – a senior politician is appointed by the Queen as an informateur. The informateur meets with all party leaders to discuss their policy priorities and their views on potential coalitions. The informateur then reports to the Queen on what group of parties is most likely to be able to form a stable government and key areas of policy similarities between them. The informateur then leads a process of negotiation between the parties to form the basis of a coalition government. Once the basis of a governing agreement is reached the Queen appoints a formateur to put together a government. While coalition negotiations take place, the existing government remains in office as a demissionaire government without the power to initiate new policy.

Coalition negotiations take a number of weeks or months, as the aim is to produce a detailed programme of government for the next four years. This covers details of spending plans, major policy initiatives and even agreements on how the government would respond to changing economic circumstances – eg the balance between tax cuts and spending increases if the economy does well (or vice versa). Once the politicians have reached agreement on a programme of government each party then calls a national conference. Each party has to agree to allow their politicians to enter a coalition based on this programme of government. Only then does a new government take office.

There are two important points here. First, that there is a shared understanding of the process and (informal) principles of coalition formation. Second, that the aim of the negotiations is to form a stable government based on an agreed four year programme. This can take a little while but has the advantage that the government takes power with a clear programme of government that has been agreed and approved by the parties involved, not just politicians in dark rooms. Furthermore this is a government based on parties that won the backing of a majority of voters in the election unlike any British government since the Second World War.

Wednesday, 28 April 2010

Coalition Government and Electoral Reform: Some Theory and Practice


Posted by Tom Flynn, Politics PhD student

So much of the election debate (particularly in the main stream media) has been around the issue of a hung parliament, and the subsequent coalition that would be required to form a Government. Nick Clegg’s recent revelation, that he’d refuse to prop up a Labour Prime Minister if the Labour Party finishes third in the popular vote, therefore throws up a number of very interesting possibilities. It might, of course simply mean that we’ve totally misconstrued what Nick Clegg said. It is quite plausible, for example, that he was signalling to the Labour Party that should the Lib Dems finish second, then it would be a case of the former joining the latter in government – meaning Clegg himself might demand the position of Prime Minister, supported by a few high profile Labour ministers in some key roles. Of course, if this were to happen, it’s difficult to imagine Gordon Brown himself taking a lesser position in government – leading almost certainly to a Labour leadership election.

Or perhaps the reason this is all so surprising in the first place is because it’s been difficult to see a Lib Dem/Conservative coalition in the face of Cameron’s point blank refusal to look at the voting system used in general elections. And this is the real point of this entry – to address the misunderstanding of how electoral systems work that politicians, the media, and commentators appear to have fallen prey to.

I’ll break the argument down into a number of sections.

SOME REALITY
1. The Liberal Democrats want proportional representation because they (quite correctly) realise it will lead to an increase in the number of seats won by the smaller parties – themselves included. They also believe in changing to a voting system known as STV (single transferable vote), which is one of several systems that involve ranking candidates in order of preference rather than simply marking X next to the one most preferred.

2. The Conservatives reject any idea of proportional representation, as they believe it will remove the link between ‘the electorate and the MP’.

The current perception is that these positions are entirely contradictory – and that a compromise would be impossible. Therefore how could Nick Clegg possibly form a Government with the Conservatives? This assumption though, is based entirely on a conflation of preferential voting and proportional representation.

SOME THEORY
Let me illustrate the difference with an example.

Constituency A has the following results from the 2005 general election:

Conservative: 45%
Labour: 25%
Lib Dem: 17%
Green Party: 13%

Now, under the current system, the best strategy for the Labour party would be to persuade all Liberal Democrat and Green voters to switch to them, in order to beat the Conservatives. If the argument is successful (as it often has been), we might end up with the following result:

Conservatives: 45%
Labour: 55%
Lib Dem: 0%
Green Party: 0%

The problem for the Liberal Democrats and Greens has traditionally been that many of its supporters have accepted such arguments, leaving the smaller parties unable to challenge for seats effectively.

Consider the same situation under STV. Under STV, votes from the least-preferred candidates are ‘transferred’ to more-preferred candidates until an overall winner emerges. Let’s assume that the majority of voters have the following preference orderings:

Conservative Voters: Conservative > Lib Dem > Labour > Green
Labour Voters: Labour > Lib Dem > Green > Conservative
Lib Dem Voters: Lib Dem > Labour > Green > Conservative
Green Voters: Green > Lib Dem > Labour > Conservative

Now let’s see what happens:

Greens get knocked out in round one, which gives:

Conservative: 45%
Labour: 25%
Lib Dem: 30%

Labour are then knocked out in round two which gives:

Conservative: 45%
Lib Dem: 55%

In short, preferential voting has delivered a result that seemed impossible under single preference voting.

Back to Reality
What is important for this argument, of course, is that this result has nothing to do with proportional representation. STV can be deployed within single constituencies – maintaining the link between MP and the electorate, whilst at the same time also going some way to addressing the problems that smaller parties face with tactical voting. STV does not guarantee proportionality of parliament overall; it is just a different way of choosing the individuals within it.

The question is this: will Nick Clegg and David Cameron realise this, and come to a compromise on electoral reform – making a Lib Dem/Conservative party coalition a possibility?






Tuesday, 27 April 2010

Discover what your MP’s been asking: free access to parliamentary records between now and the election

Posted by Kirstyn Radford, Politics Librarian, J.B Morrell Library



The University of York Library already subscribes to legal databases from this host, but we haven’t previously had access to the Parliament service. Follow the instructions on the website below to register for a personal account for the duration of the promotion.

The Justis Parliament database provides a single cross-searchable interface to House of Commons parliamentary questions and debates, parliamentary papers (both official and unpublished) and a legislation tracker allowing you to follow the progress of a bill. Of course the bulk of this material is already free-to-access from the UK Parliament website http://www.parliament.uk/, but you may find the Justis interface faster and more intuitive for searching and saving results.

You can access Justis Parliament:
Directly at www.justis.com/freeparliament/
or at nearly a thousand public libraries in England – ask yours if it’s taking part.

With an archive back to 1979 – further than any other electronic public repository of this material – Justis Parliament provides the most intuitive route and the only single-entry point into every element of Hansard and numerous other governmental archives. Justis Parliament gives users the chance to: